David Mitrany, a working peace system(1943)

发布于 2022-03-02  133 次阅读


mitrany's alternative: needs as the basis of social organization

functional intergration as a means toward world peace
deep pessimism with both the form of the sovereign state system and with current consitutional and legalistic plans for solving problem of the war.---a hallmark of interwar thinking in the UK

二战后每个国家都穷兵黩武,人们对此的解决方式是建立体系:国内司法体系、国联等。限制主权国家的小鸡游戏、囚徒困境和无政府主义。

an internal/external analogy
the league of nations aimed to bring order and peace to the international system by the device of fromal written pacts(written consitutions, declarations of rights, and other basic charters)

questions:
why did this attempt fail disastrously?
why did the same effort play such a great role during the 19th century?

the task of 19th century was to work out a new division of the sphere of authority, to determine new relationships between the individual and the state, to protact new democracy.
these relationships were meant to be fixed and final, and they had to rest on general principles.
19世纪国家内部秩序的建立过程是独特的,权威的确立一方面来自于传统继承,另一方面更主要的是来自宪政和民主政治。国内的这些可以说放之四海皆准的,但在国际社会中还没有建立起相应的抽象原则。国际社会没有关于国家如何行事的一个抽象原则,但国内层面的政治哲学存在了两三年你,对民主自由的讨论以及有了身后的积淀和一定的社会共识。(由chris brown奠基的international political theory只有二十多年的历史)

19世纪以来,国家间的关系发生了很大变化。在之前关于人的限制是很有限的,对自由贸易的崇尚也比今天要更多。(百姓是没有权利的,就像辛丑条约中国的赔款)
国家没有那么高的目的性。人民群众的福祉不是国家考量的范围。例如public health的发展是在普法战争中征兵发现90%的人是不健康的,英国政府决定发展公共卫生(大规模的疫苗接种、公共性供水等)

problems of federal plans
the changing role of the state from a legalistic and constitutional "night watch man" to a service-based organization(从法统型国家到服务型国家)

for example: the new deal; the emerging welfare state in the UK. both had faced legal-constitutional challenges
市场经济是一个风险型经济形态,很大程度上不是受自己控制的
国家的目的是在不断变化的,就像抗疫。国家的行为是要对人民负责的。国家很难服膺于一种条约体系。

巴黎非战公约的例子
希望各个国家签订协议承诺永久放弃战争,缔约国虽然签字,但加上了各种保留条款
米特兰尼说这种方式是行不通的

the league of nations: it was concerned above all with fixing in a definite way the formal relationships(eg. marriage) of the member states and in a measure also of non-menbers.
就像婚姻一样,虽然确立关系是很简单的,但是还附加了很多的权利和义务。国家间的关系也是这样,难以找到一个一劳永逸的保持关系的方式。

the alternative approach:
to overlay polotical divisions with a spreading web of international activities and agencies, in which and through which the interests and life of all the nations would be gradually integrated.
以广泛的国际活动和机构网络覆盖政治分歧,所有国家的利益和生活将在其中并通过它逐步融合。
欧洲一体化的设计思维就是从这里来的
(如果大家彼此有共同需求,就形成一个组织)(先不结婚,先谈着)这个组织会有一定的溢出效应(split over),导致其他理论的可能性

一战之后保留下来的国际劳工组织,没有随着国联解体而坍塌。类似的很多功能性机构都一样。煤钢联营就是这样建立起来的。频繁的互动会创造出共同的行为规范。
建构主义的《国际政治中国家利益》

a common misreading of wps
he has dismissed the importance of ideology and cultural differences

实际上,他正是认为这些差异造成的鸿沟太大了
according to mitrany: we seek practical solutions to global problems not because ideology is weak, but rather because it is too strong.

it is important not to attempt to try to regulate "the parochial politics of its members" as federalism does by diving into constitutional matters that stir up local loyalyies and ways of life.

global governance needs to be about those practical matters where common agreement is easier to find, and where people will not feel that their particular ways of doing things are under threat.

The Antinomy of “Power” and “Sovereignty”
• Great powers have disproportionate control over the operation and management of the international system.
• Smaller states oppose this with the concept of the innate equality of sovereign states.

功能主义 不是一个理论,是一种路径
a functional approach
it privileges process over goals-a path to be taken, not a blueprint for a fully formed better world.
in contrast, the federalist movement has well thought-out goals but fuzzy means for getting there.
the essential principle of it is to "weld together" those common iterests without interfering with the particular ways of each

把共同利益的领域开发好,有特殊利益的领域会随着溢出效应的存在而得到一定程度的解决(但不保证一定解决)

国际关系不一定要把国内事务黑箱化,而是提示我们这两者是一体的。